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What is a New Bretton Woods Financial System?
For more on the New Bretton Woods

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World Monetary Reform: Regional Organisation under a New Bretton Woods

(Continued) ...

President Clinton's Delusion

The delusion which President Clinton has shared publicly with his unfortunate choice of Vice-President, Al Gore (and many others of the Baby-Boomer class), is the interchangeable notion of what is called either "the new economy" or an "information society." The political-cultural connections underlying that delusion, are multifarious. The common root is an utopian delusion, typified by the collaboration of H.G. Wells and Bertrand Russell, a delusion associated with Russell's public endorsement of Wells' The Open Conspiracy.[3] As current U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright bragged, in her Oct. 14, 1999 New York address, she has been an active follower of the ideology of Wells' The Open Conspiracy, in her entire career, including her official Cabinet roles as UNO Ambassador and Secretary of State. The principal delusions shared between Mrs. Albright and Al Gore, have their proximate origin in that "Open Conspiracy," as defined by Wells and Russell.

The principal categories to be considered are: "globalization," as defined by the practices of Clinton, Gore, Albright, and London's Tony Blair—with some equivocations by Clinton; "information theory," a concoction of Russell's devotees Norbert Wiener and John von Neumann; and the Wellsian doctrine of post-Morloch ("post-industrial") society, as advocated by Gore, under the rubric of "ecology,"[4] and by both Clinton and Gore, under the rubric of opposition to "dual use" forms of alleged "weapons of mass destruction." All of this, of course, is consistent with the neo-Confederacy Romanticism of Robert Penn Warren's and William Yandell Elliot's Nashville Agrarian hatred against the American Whig legacy of President Abraham Lincoln. Henry Kissinger's and Zbigniew Brzezinski's character as protégés of Nashville Agrarian Elliot coincides with Vice-President Gore's expressed ideological bent on such accounts.

From the founding of the U.S. republic, the American System of political-economy, and its sundry European and other admirers and imitators, have been, like Alexander Hamilton, Abraham Lincoln, Franklin Roosevelt, at al., followers of the science of physical economy as defined by Gottfried Leibniz. Indeed, the related notions of France's King Louis XI and England's Henry VII, in founding the modern nation-state economy on the principle of the general welfare, or commonwealth, reflect the same commitment of all modern rational political-economy, to the principle that the general welfare requires a constant increase of mankind's power in and over nature, as measurable, physically, in per-capita and per-square-kilometer terms. This increase has always depended upon those improvements in applied technology which are derived from validatable discoveries of universal principle.

The notion of "information," as defined axiomatically, mathematically, by Russell devotees Norbert Wiener and John von Neumann, excludes the existence of discoverable universal physical principles, just as their master Russell did. "Information theory" reduces society, axiomatically, to the administration of man by man, or, in other words, the reduction of society to the mangement of a mass of virtual cattle by an oligarchical minority and its attending lackeys. The mentality is that of those shipmasters who improved the unsinkable and doomed Titanic, by reducing the number of life-boats far below the quantity needed to accommodate the ship's passengers and crew—a fact which is, indeed, something to remember.

Thus, the notion of economy in the mind of Al Gore, and implicitly the doctrine adopted by President Clinton, is something out of Tolkien's Baby-Boomer's fantasy, The Lord of the Rings. For that doctrine, real economy does not exist, only rearrangements of the seating-arrangements at the dining table (as long as seats are still available), thus, as by current U.S. health policies, following Adolf Hitler's health and welfare policies, of shortening lives deemed "unworthy to be lived." Such are the implications of the Vice-President's statements and practices on education and health policy—as, ostensibly, endorsed by the President, policies which have contributed to a state of affairs under which approximately half our current eighth-graders are virtual Yahoos, illiterates. Today, under such influences, a majority of maturing adolescents would not be employable at family-income-level wages, in the industries and related work-places of the 1960s!

Granted, there are various hints that President Clinton does not believe such nonsense—at least, not privately. However, publicly, especially since mid-1996, the President has acted is if he believed he were obliged to pretend to believe such Gore-y nonsense, that as a precondition for outliving both his incumbency and retirement as President.

There is a simple political correlative to this delusion. Of the upper twenty percent of today's family-income brackets, representing more than half the total national income, at least half, probably more, are virtually economic parasites, living off the back of the eighty percentile of the lower income-brackets. Such types from the so-called "new suburban" class, are the principal voter-support for the candidacies of both George W. Bush and Al Gore. This same upper-twenty-percentile stratum, is also the hard core of what Gore and his ally Dick Morris, like England's Tony Blair, have defined as the "middle," those who are depended upon as likely to vote in state-wide and national elections. This upper twenty-percentile thus represents the stratum of "public opinion" perceived by the pollsters, and by most of the mass entertainment and news media.

In effect, whatever the President's actual views, he has locked himself into a public posture of basing the conclusion of his Presidency, and his personal survival thereafter, on the prospect of benefits from the election of sure-loser Al Gore. He has sought to secure his long-term position in history, by a shallow, pragmatic reliance upon short-term, largely illusory estimates of momentarily popular delusions.

Last days of Pompeii, anyone?

Once we take into account, that the existence of nations, and most of their populations, depend upon the continuation and growth of such physical output as infrastructure, food, and manufactured items, the failure to base assessments of the performance of economies upon anything but the rate of physical consumption and output, per capita and per square kilometer, is effectively lunacy, a wild-eyed delusion.

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