New Document
From the Oct/Nov 2009 New Citizen, "Defeat the British Empire of Monetarism"
On Her Majesty's Secret Service: Kevin 007?
By Robert Barwick
Sixteen months into Kevin
Rudd's prime ministership,
Citizens Electoral Council leader
Craig Isherwood demanded
in a Webcast address, "Whom
do you serve, Mr Rudd?" The
answer, to anyone who has paid
even cursory attention to the policies
which Rudd has championed
domestically, as well as internationally,
is the British Empire.
The Australian nation developed
only thanks to "old"
Labor's fight for national banking
and industrial protectionism
against the "Money Power"—
London-centred British finance
and free trade—and it is this national
heritage which Rudd has
betrayed on behalf of the British
Empire.
Here's the scorecard. As
Prime Minister and Labor Party
leader, Rudd has: campaigned
for international financier control
over Australia's financial
system, including in the guise
of "independence" for the privately-controlled Reserve Bank;
committed Australia to lead the
world in the British genocidal
crusade on "climate change",
condemning us to industrial
oblivion and economic ruin;
jumped to bail out the banks,
and spearheaded the British
push to coordinate a global bailout—aka "stimulus"—through
the G-20 and International Monetary
Fund; and has crusaded for
ever more British free trade, in
the course of which, as in the
U.S. in February, he pronounced
that, "Protectionism is intrinsically
evil."
So Rudd is obviously an agent
of British imperialism. But, a
look at his personal background
forces one to ask, additionally: is
he also formally a British agent,
recruited early in his career to
Her Majesty's Secret Service? Is
he, in fact, "Kevin 007"?
Such recruitment to the intelligence
services usually takes
place early in one's career, at
university or soon after, when a
prospective agent shows him or
herself to be bright, ambitious,
and, just as importantly—unscrupulous;
better yet, duplicitous
and sadistic by nature.
The New Imperialism
Before reviewing Rudd's personal
record, consider the historical
context in which he, and
similar traitors to Australia's vital
interests are recruited.
In the last quarter of the 19th
Century, as a result of the mass
industrialisation and railroad
building in the U.S. unleashed
by President Abraham Lincoln's
victory over the British-sponsored,
rural slave-based Confederacy,
British imperialism faced
a mortal threat. Not only was the
industrial might and population
of the U.S. exploding, but many
other nations were emulating its
policies of protection, national
banking, and railroad building,
the latter of which posed a
direct challenge to British maritime
control of the world. These
included Germany, Japan, and
Russia, among others. Not able
to face this challenge directly, as
through the gunboats and redcoated
armies of the past, the
British oligarchy typified by
Bertrand Russell, H.G. Wells,
et al., founded the Round Table
movement, including its Fabian
Society sub-division which targeted
particularly the rising influence of the working classes,
but also industrialism per se. The
Round Table adopted the classic
Fabian strategy—don't attack a
more powerful enemy directly,
under one's own flag, but wear
him down by cultural and financial
subversion, and by manipulating
your enemies to fight ruinous
wars against each other,
like World War I and II. And in
place of the naked colonialism
of old, the Round Table substituted
a policy of "indirect rule",
or "self-rule", whereby the "native"
ruling elite of their old colonies
would be trained at Oxford
via Rhodes scholarships, or recruited
to pro-British imperial
outlooks via the local Oxfords
in the colonies, such as Harvard,
Yale et al. in the U.S., or
Australian National University,
Melbourne University, etc.
in Australia.
Soon known as the Royal Institute
of International Affairs
(RIIA), the Round Table set
up powerful branches based in
the local oligarchies of its "former"
(or intended) colonies. Its
U.S. subsidiary, for instance,
the Council on Foreign Relations,
was largely drawn from
the major investment houses
of Wall Street, most of whom
had been set up by the British
in the first place, while its Australian
division, the Australian
Institute of International Affairs
(AIIA) was comprised of
leaders of our corporate and financial elite. The AIIA, in turn,
spun off various fronts such as
the Australian-American Leadership
Dialogue, which is merely
a collection of Anglophiles in
America, meeting with their opposite,
also Anglophile associates
in Australia.
Moving into the present, Australia's
place in British imperial
schemes is what it has always
been—a British strategic
outpost in the Pacific. But, with
the rise of China, India, and Asia
in general, Australia's role has
been upgraded as well. For instance,
in 1995, the RIIA issued
a policy document entitled, Economic
Opportunities for Britain
and the Commonwealth, which
announced that Australia should
be, more than ever before, the
British corporate and financial
"stepping-stone to Asia". The
report chronicled the astonishing
amount of British foreign
investment in Australia, and
listed hundreds of British firms
which had already set up their
Asian headquarters in Australia,
a list which has greatly expanded
since. This defined the strategic
environment in which the
Mandarin-speaking Rudd was
recruited into Australia's foreign
policy establishment, itself a de
facto subsidiary of the RIIA.
Notwithstanding our nominal
independence upon Federation
in 1901, Australia did
not run its own foreign policy
until the early 1940s, following
Prime Minister John Curtin's
December 1941 break
with Churchill and the British,
to go with America. Until then,
the major aspects of our foreign
policy were officially run directly
from London. Until the Statute
of Westminster, a 1931 Act
of British Parliament which
granted "legislative equality" to
Britain's Dominions, was ratified by the Australian Parliament
in 1942, Australia's status
as a Dominion meant our foreign
affairs were handled by the
British Foreign and Commonwealth
Office. But even when
we assumed formal control of
our foreign policy, it was via an
apparat which had long been
subservient to British interests,
which just continued on under
a new name, presently the Department
of Foreign Affairs and
Trade (DFAT). Typical was the
relation of our Australian Secret
Intelligence Service (ASIS)—a
branch of DFAT—to the British
SIS. The notoriously anti-Labor
ASIS was formally founded after
World War II as a branch of
British SIS. No wonder therefore,
that investigative reporters
Des Ball and Jeffrey Richelson
in their 1985 book, The Ties
That Bind, reported that, "The
relationship between ASIS and
the SIS is so close that there has
never been any need for written
agreements or a formal exchange
of liaison personnel."
They wrote, "It is thus not surprising
that ASIS officers continue
to call the London headquarters
of the SIS the ‘Head
Office' and the Melbourne headquarters
of ASIS called itself the
‘Main Office'."
Career Path
Now, let us turn to the career
of Kevin Rudd. Rudd studied
Chinese at the Australian National
University (ANU) from
1976-79, where he was mentored
by world-renowned Chinese
scholar Pierre Ryckmans.
After a stint in Taiwan in 1980,
he returned to submit his thesis,
which glorified China's leading
dissident, Wei Jingsheng, a darling
of the RIIA circles in London.
In 1981, Rudd went straight
from university into the Department
of Foreign Affairs (now
DFAT), which, as per its history
noted above, is one big intelligence
apparat, of which the formal
spy agency, ASIS, is merely
one section. Not surprisingly,
many DFAT officials are actually
ASIS spies acting under "cover".
Rudd served as a diplomat
in Sweden, and then in China
until 1987.
That Chinese phase of Rudd's
career was to have telling aftereffects.
A four-day trip he took
to Taiwan in 1999 was paid for
by a reportedly corrupt former
Taiwanese MP, Chang Yu-huei,
who was Minister without portfolio
and Secretary-General of
the Cabinet in the government
of the pro-independence British
darling President Chen Shui-bian,
who came close to provoking
a Taiwan-China war by his
escalating actions for Taiwanese
"independence". Perhaps Chen
and his wife were looking out
for their own independence as
well, since both have recently
been sentenced to lengthy prison
terms for taking bribes. In 2005,
a foundation associated with one
of Chang's companies, the Taiwan
Sugar Company, donated
$1 million to the Mater Mothers'
Hospital in Rudd's Queensland
electorate. When Rudd's
connection to Chang attracted
media attention in July this
year, the Taiwanese Embassy
released a curious statement
claiming that Rudd's trip was
"conducive to the enhancement
of the in-depth understanding
of the importance of the UKAustralia
relations". [Emphasis
added]
Returning to Rudd's early
career, it is in the nature of the
spy business that ASIS agents
are not trumpeted as such, quite
the contrary. But despite their
covers, they often have mysterious
"gaps" in their curricula vitae.
Curiously, former Opposition
Leader Mark Latham wrote
of Rudd in his tell-all, Latham
Diaries: "He's certainly part of
the foreign policy establishment,
and yes, there are some missing
periods in his CV, plus a general
mystery about the guy." [emphasis
added] In a backhanded
way, Rudd biographer Nicholas
Stuart reflected the same perceptions,
going out of his way to assert
that despite Rudd's efforts to
"veil his activities" during his
time in China, it "appears that
Rudd did not hold any position
as a spymaster".
Far less circumstantial, is
that in 1988 Rudd applied, and
was accepted for a key position
in London with Australia's
peak intelligence agency,
the Office of National Assessments
(ONA), reporting on intelligence
and strategic matters
directly to the Prime Minister.
A Detour?
In the event, Rudd didn't end
up in London, but instead made
what might seem, on the surface
of it, to be a radical career
shift: in 1988, at the age of only
31, he became Chief of Staff
to Queensland Premier Wayne
Goss, the first Labor premier
there in 21 years. But was it a
shift? As the all-powerful mandarin
under Goss, he rammed
through National Competition
Policy "reforms" in Queensland
from 1989-95, reforms
which the New Citizen has documented
as emanating directly
from the Mont Pelerin Society
(MPS), the London-based headquarters
of British imperial economic
warfare, as implemented
in Australia by the Australian subsidiary
of London's Hill Samuel
Bank, later known as Macquarie
Bank. Through deregulation, privatisation
and outsourcing, these
MPS-designed "reforms" devastated
Australia's domestic industries,
infrastructure and services.
Both their effects, and the savage
way in which Rudd rammed them
through, earned him the nickname,
"Dr. Death".
In 1992, while ostensibly off
in the backblocks of Queensland,
the head of DFAT, Richard
Woolcott, anointed Rudd
as his likely successor one day,
in recruiting him to the Australian
American Leadership Dialogue
then being formed. Woolcott
recounted, "Phil Scanlan
was starting it, and he asked me,
‘Who do you think will be in
your position in 20 years' time?'
I gave it a bit of thought and said,
‘Well, why don't you invite Kevin
Rudd?' He joined up and, of
course, that has served him
very well…"
When it was decided in
1995 that Rudd should enter
Federal Parliament, the
path was cleared for him to
win Labor Party pre-selection
for the federal electorate
of Griffith, by a branchstacking
campaign so extensive
it sparked a nationwide
scandal about Labor Party
branch-stacking, which was
investigated by the ABC's
Four Corners. Rudd failed to
win Griffith on his first try,
in 1996, but he was pushed
through in 1998. And fellow
Labor MPs who questioned
his credentials, or the
circumstances of his wife's
curious rise to riches in business,
were quickly gagged.
His Labor credentials
were indeed curious, including
as they did, his membership
in the neo-conservative
Australian-American Leadership
Dialogue; his regular
attendance at the notorious
Mont Pelerin Society front,
the Centre for Independent
Studies; his support for the
Iraq war which Tony Blair
had personally launched via
his "sexed-up" dossier on
Saddam Hussein's non-existent
nuclear bomb; and his
connections to the British backed
pro-independence,
rabidly anti-China networks
in Taiwan. But all these went
unquestioned as Rudd was
fast-tracked through the
ranks of the party to become
the Leader of what he liked
to call "Her Majesty's loyal
Opposition".
And so, when Labor's defeat
of the discredited Coalition
government loomed as
inevitable in 2007, and Her
Majesty wanted to guarantee
that the ALP replacement
for her faithful servant John
Winston Howard wouldn't
resort to "old Labor" policies
in the face of the economic
collapse, she had the
perfect candidate.
Mrs. Moneypenny?
Meanwhile, another key
component of the Rudd
story was unfolding, that
of his wife Therese Rein's
rags-to-riches rise in business,
which has netted the
PM and his wife a conservatively-estimated $60 million
fortune. Rein's Ingeus
company earns all of its
income from government
outsourcing. She won her
first government contract
in 1993 when Paul Keating
outsourced job placement
for the long-term unemployed,
and enjoyed a windfall
in 1996-97 when the
Howard government abolished
the Commonwealth
Employment Service (CES)
and established the private
Job Network. By then, the
board of Rein's "independent"
business included
Wayne Goss, Qantas director
and former Commonwealth
Public Service head
Mike Codd, and former
ASIC regional commissioner
Barrie Adams. Following
Tony Blair's 1995 election
as British Prime Minister,
she won similar contracts
in Britain, reportedly leveraged
through Goss' former
political adviser Michael
Stephenson who switched
to advise Blair. Following
Rudd's 2007 election, Rein
sold out of the Australian
side of her business, supposedly
to avoid a conflict
of interest. But the confl ict
of interest is now bigger
than ever: the vast majority
of the Australian PM's
household income now
comes directly from the
British government.
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