The CEC led the resistance to the police state laws over the past few years, forcing the worst of them to be revised or held up, until the country's other "major" party, the Australian Labor Party (ALP), recently caved in and endorsed them under its new leader, Mont Pelerin Society asset Mark Latham.
But in mid-April the CEC unleashed a new flank in this battle: a 50-page special report, "Defeat the Synarchists-Fight for a National Bank." The report is the lead of the CEC's April 2004 New Citizen newspaper, printed in 125,000 copies. It "names the names" of those pushing fascism in Australia today, as well as in the 1930s, and their international synarchist sponsors. Based upon archival records and other original research, the report documents how the corporations and financiers who founded Howard's Liberal Party in the early 1940s, had a decade earlier financed mass fascist armies who intended to seize power if necessary, to stop the old, pro-national banking ALP from organizing an FDR-style economic recovery. Moreover, the report shows, some of the same corporations and familiessuch as that of synarchist press baron Rupert Murdochwho sponsored fascism in the 1930s, are sponsoring the push for fascism today, through the local arms of the Crown's Mont Pelerin Society, which own the leaders of both the Liberal and Labor parties.
This history is almost completely unknown in Australia. The circulation of an initial 125,000 copies, in a nation of only 20,000,000, launched an election campaign in which the CEC is running over 90 candidates nationwide for Federal parliament. It is bound to cause an uproar.
The paper is dedicated to Dr. Jim Cairns, one of the most courageous leaders of the "old Labor Party" (the ALP before its takeover by the Mont Pelerin Society). Cairns was Deputy Prime Minister and Treasurer in the 1972-75 government of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam. The Queen sacked that government, through her Governor General. She acted to stop Whitlam, Cairns, and their associates from "buying back the farm" from Her Majesty's minerals cartel (she is the largest private shareholder in Rio Tinto Zinc, for instance), and from directing credit to develop the vast continent as Whitlam intended.
Decades later, Cairns collaborated closely with the CEC in the fight against the fascist police state laws, until his death last October.
Laws Against Liberty and Law and Order
The full catalogue of the new police state laws fills an entire page of the New Citizen. In addition to the banning power noted above, those laws allow:
- The Australian armed forces to shoot and kill Australian citizens, and declare martial law almost at will;
- Australia's FBI, the Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO), to pick up people as young as 16, and hold them incommunicado for seven days (in some cases, indefinitely). Detainees will have no right to remain silent, or they may be sentenced to jail for 5 years. The onus is on those detained to prove that they are not guiltya reversal of the most basic principle of law. Anyone may be picked up, not just those suspected of having committed, or planning to commit a terrorist act.
- an extraordinary range of wire-tapping and espionage against Australian citizens, unthinkable even three years ago.
- the arrest and fining of individuals for vaguely-defined "thought crimes" under the rubric of "racial vilification." This is already having a chilling effect on political debate.
These are only a few highlights, and they are only the beginning. With each new terror bombing anywhere in the world, Howard's government announces the urgent need for more legislation. After having passed what the media, and even a parliamentary committee led by Howard's own party, called "the most draconian laws in Australian history," Attorney General Ruddock used the March 11 Madrid train bombings as the pretext to propose still another law, to ban "consorting with terrorists," under which "Police would have greatly increased powers to arrest suspected terrorists," as reported in the Herald Sun the next day.
Further proposed laws followed in rapid succession. On March 17, Ruddock announced a draconian limitation of freedom of speech, under the guise of "uniform defamation laws." Among other things, these would allow families to sue on behalf of deceased relatives; its purpose is clearly to stop the sort of research the CEC has just released. On March 23, he announced plans to grant the police (in addition to ASIO) powers to bug and surveil people without warrants, and to detain people for 24 hours (up from the present four hours). On March 25, he proposed laws to intern "suspected foreign terrorists" indefinitely, without trial, Guantanamo Bay-style.
In an address to a Feb. 19, 2004 session of parliament, Ruddock proclaimed the new philosophy behind the Howard government's "war on terrorism": "The conventional criminal law/due process model [innocent until proven guilty, the right to a fair trial, etc.] is not only inadequate, but inappropriate." Echoing U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney, Ruddock raved, "Dealing with terrorists and the terrorist threat requires pre-emption and deterrence; our approach must be preventative as well as punitive. This approach of course, flies in the face of a conventional law and order/prosecute and punish approach." (Emphasis added.)
In addition to the CEC, a few hardy souls have spoken out against the burgeoning police state. Australian Council of Civil Liberties president Terry O'Gorman told the New Zealand Herald of March 27, in an article entitled "Fear threatens freedom in Australia," that "Laws are being progressively extended in a quite radical way that no other country is doing. Civil liberties as a result are being taken away." State of New South Wales Council of Civil Liberties president Cameron Murphy told the Herald that the powers recently given to ASIO allowed it to operate "like the old Soviet KGB," with powers beyond those of the U.S. FBI and Britain's MI5; and that "These powers are absolutely the worst in Australia's history in terms of allowing the violation of people's basic rights and liberties." In fact, the Howard government's own Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission charged that ASIO's new powers were clearly in breach of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights. "In fact," a Commission submission to parliament charged, "the powers in the ASIO bill are considerably wider than one would consider were necessary and appropriate for the gathering of intelligence with respect to a terrorist attack that may occur in Australia."
Indeed, even elements of the major Australian media have voiced concern, both at the legislation, and at the alarming fact that almost no one (except the CEC, which the media usually chooses to black out) is fighting it. The Sydney Morning Herald of April 13 noted, "Since 2001 the Federal Government has introduced 17 pieces of legislation which have restricted civil freedoms. In each case the reason has been to enhance the state's powers in the cause of fighting terrorism. Much of this legislation has passed unhindered except for some temporary resistance from minor parties in the Senate.... But who within the two major Australian political parties is raising his or her voice about the importance of balancing the perceived need for more draconian measures with the equally important preservation of civil liberties?" The Liberal Party has been cowed into silence, the paper observed, and "The Labor Left, the traditional campaigner against too much police power, is also strangely quiet." Referring to the fear already spreading in the country, the paper concludes, "The present climate makes it harder for liberal voices to be raised ... but they must be."
Purging the Intelligence Agencies
Like the U.S. Cheney-acs and the Blair mafia in the U.K., Australia's PM John Howard and his associates have not hesitated to lie, to bring Australia into lockstep with the Anglo-Americans in war and police-state policies. Nor have Howard and his gang hesitated to swing an iron fist when their lies have been exposed, as in three recent cases involving high-ranking figures in Australia's intelligence services.
The first was Andrew Wilkie, a former analyst at the Office of National Assessments (ONA), the nation's senior spy agency, which coordinates the intelligence from all other agencies to provide assessments directly to the prime minister. Wilkie charged last August that the government deliberately lied about Iraq's alleged WMD in order to "stay in step with Washington." After pointing out numerous examples of how words such as "perhaps" or "probable" were replaced by Howard's minions with "massive" or "mammoth," Wilkie charged, "Sometimes the exaggeration was so great it was clear dishonesty. I will go so far as to say the material was going straight from ONA to the Prime Minister's Office and the exaggeration was occurring in there.... The Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister, in particular, have a lot to answer for."
Wilkie was driven from the ONA, and the Howard government mounted a vicious campaign, branding him "hysterical" and a "malcontent." Howard even claimed, ludicrously, that Wilkie "had virtually no access to the relevant intelligence."
Two similar cases have just broken. Lt. Col. Lance Collins, the Australian military's top intelligence officer in East Timor and a highly-respected figure, charged that Australia's intelligence system had failed not only in the Iraq WMD fiasco, but in a number of other cases going back a decade. The government's response was to charge him with leaking sensitive material. Collins' allegations were examined in an official Redress of Grievance (ROG) claim conducted by Capt. Martin Toohey, who found that they had "considerable veracity" and brought to mind "shades of the recent Dr. Kelly scandal in the United Kingdom and the Wilkie departure from ONA." Toohey charged that the Defence Intelligence Organization "distorts intelligence estimates to the extent those estimates are heavily driven by government policy.... In order words, DIO reports what the government wants to hear."
The government then released another report attempting to discredit Toohey, a move which he called "despicable and duplicitous." He joined Collins in his call for a Royal Commission (an inquiry with the widest powers) into the "putrefaction" of Australian intelligence, which Howard flatly rejected.
Collins' claims were also buttressed by Maj. Gen. Mike Smith, Australia's former deputy force commander in East Timor. The Melbourne Age of April 24 reported that Smith "said the spy agencies had been influenced by Government pressure, and that military personnel feared their careers would suffer if they gave frank and fearless advice."
Almost simultaneously with Collins' claims, a senior adviser to Australia's former Chief Defence Scientist Dr. Ian Chessell, the head of the Australian contingent in Hans Blix's WMD inspection team in Iraq, charged that she was sacked because she, too, disagreed with cooking the intelligence. Jane Errey said she refused to write briefings that claimed that Iraq had WMD. Errey was an engineer and analyst who had worked at the Department of Defence for nine years. She said "I felt like I was part of the propaganda machine. As a public servant I shouldn't be expected to write propaganda.... Anything that I was doing with respect to the war was making me uncomfortable. Then to have to brief the minister and fundamentally give himeven though I didn't write itlines of propaganda that I didn't believe with respect to the war, was beyond what I was prepared to do. I wouldn't lie or mislead the public."
Wilkie, Collins, Toohey, and Errey have stuck to their guns (if not all to their jobs) under intense pressure from the government. The connection between the Goebbels-style "Big Lie" on intelligence matters and the fascist police state laws being passed, was acknowledged by Wilkie in a speech titled "The Lies of War and Australian Democracy" on April 22 in Melbourne to a 400-person audience. There, Wilkie, like Collins and Toohey, called for a Royal Commission into how intelligence was "politicized" by the Howard government to justify the Iraq war. In response to a question from a member of the Australian LaRouche Youth Movement on the police state implications of the government's actions, Wilkie understatedly replied, "Slowly but surely, we are going into a police state. A little law here, a little change there; before you know it, you've arrived at a police state; and I don't think Australians see it coming. But it is coming slowly but surely."
The Struggle for Sovereignty
In order to understand both the fascist coup-in-progress today, and the motives which in the 1930s drove the London-centered Synarchy to sponsor mass fascist armies in Australia, a brief look at the early history of Australia is indispensable. A more elaborated picture is contained in the above-cited New Citizen special report.
Britain colonized Australia in the wake of the most momentous event of the past 250 yearsthe American Revolution of 1776-1789. The British "First Fleet" arrived in Australia in 1788. That fleet and others to follow, bore mainly human cargosome of the desperately poor of the British Isles who had been convicted for stealing food to survive, some common criminals, and, most importantly, many Irish, English, or Scots who had become infected with the "American virus," those who had formed study groups to read Tom Paine's The Rights of Man, for instance, of which a staggering million were sold in Britain. In the wake of Ireland's Great Rebellion of 1798 against Britain's tyrannical rule, political prisoners by the boatloads were dumped in Australia. By the 1840s-1850s, the great Australian republican, Rev. John Dunmore Lang, called upon his countrymen to establish a "United States of Australia," modeled almost precisely on the American republican Presidential system. Fearing Lang's enormous popularity, the British foisted the fraud of "responsible government" upon Australiaa typical Anglo-Dutch parliamentary system where real power is held by the financiers.
In the wake of the U.S. Civil War, a second wave of U.S.-inspired republican nationalism swept Australia, embodied particularly in its nascent labor movement. That movement's party took the American, as opposed to British spelling of "labor" to signify its aspirations, as the Australian Labor Party (ALP). Although Australia was cheated out of a republic and given "Federation under the Crown" in 1901, the battle for national sovereignty continued in the fight for a national bank, under the extraordinary leadership of American immigrant King O'Malley. In a 1909 speech motivating a national bank, O'Malley said that "We are legislating for the countless multitudes of future generations. We are in favour of protecting, not only the manufacturer, but also the man who works for him. We wish to protect the oppressed and downtrodden of the earth." He also proclaimed the inspiration for his noble scheme: "I am the [Alexander] Hamilton of Australia. He was the greatest financial man who ever walked the earth, and his plans have never been improved upon. The American experience should determine us to establish a national banking system which cannot be attacked."
O'Malley organized a majority of the young ALP in the Federal parliament in 1911 to adopt a national bank, which soon became law as the Commonwealth Bank. From that moment, through the Whitlam government's sacking of 1975, until today, the history of Australia has been a fight for who shall control the flow of credita national bank responsible to the people through parliament, or the Anglo-Dutch system of a privately-controlled "central bank." It was to stop the ALP moves for a national bank in the early 1930s, that the Synarchy created fascist armies.
Labor Against the Synarchists
After the death in 1923 of the patriot Denison Miller, O'Malley's hand-picked choice as the first head of the Commonwealth Bank, the City of London told the Anglophile Australian PM Stanley Melbourne Bruce that the bank's independence had to be ended, and the bank controlled by private financiers. And so Sir Robert Gibson, Bank of England governor Lord Montagu Norman's "man in Australia," took over as its chairman.
In October 1929, the ALP Federal government of PM James Scullin came to power. Since the 1890s, Labor had had its own fairly effective understanding of the Synarchy, which it called the "Money Power." Scullin Cabinet minister Frank Anstey, the mentor of Australia's legendary World War II Prime Minister John Curtin, described what the Scullin government was up against: "London is, so far, the web centre of international finance. In London are assembled the actual chiefs or the representatives of the great financial houses of the world. The Money Power is something more than Capitalism. These men constitute the Financial Oligarchy. No nation can be really free where this financial oligarchy is permitted to hold dominion, and no 'democracy' can be aught but a name that does not shake it from its throne." Labor's enemy was, Anstey summarized, the "Black Masonic Plutocracy."
Then, in October 1930, Labor took power in Australia's most populated state, New South Wales, under Premier Jack Lang. Lang, too, understood the international Synarchy. He described its plans for the world following the post-World War I Versailles Treaty: "Basically, it was a problem of banking. The Bank of England was to become the super Bankers' Bank. The Commonwealth Bank of Australia was to be responsible for the local administration of Bank of England policy. It was to be the junior Bankers' Bank. The Bank of England took up the idea of Empire control most enthusiastically. It was even decided to aim at a World Bank, to be run by the League of Nations, which would direct the credit of the world. The grand idea was that one single Board of Directors would make the decisions which would determine the economic policy of the world. The bankers were to be the supreme rulers. Naturally, the Governor of the Bank of England expected to be at the apex of the system."
In April 1930, the Scullin government introduced legislation to take control over the nation's credit, including taking the Commonwealth Bank back from the synarchists, in order to finance major public infrastructure projects. The following year, NSW Premier Jack Lang declared a debt moratorium against the City of London, in order to feed the starving men, women, and children of his state. The synarchists went wild.
Menzies and the Fascist Armies
As soon as Scullin came to power in 1929, Australia's major banks and corporationsalmost all with intimate ties to Londonsponsored the rise of mass "citizens' leagues," as the civilian arms of more secretive fascist armies, which the banks and corporations also not only financed, but staffed with their own senior executives. There were three main fascist armies, each of which had at least 30,000 men: The Old Guard and the New Guard, both of which were based in NSW; and the League of National Security, based in Melbourne, Victoria, the headquarters of British finance. The Old Guard was financed by the Colonial Sugar Refining Co. (CSR), Australia's largest corporation, which also provided the Old Guard's CEO; and by Australia's oldest and largest bank, the Bank of New South Wales.
Whereas the Old and New Guards were state-based, the League of National Security planned to seized power nationally, if Labor could not be defeated otherwise. The nation's dominant financial power, the City of London-controlled and Melbourne-based Collins House group of the Baillieu family, provided the financial muscle (and some of its executives) for the League. All of these armies were fanatically pro-British.
The Scullin government was driven from power courtesy of "Red scares" orchestrated by the synarchist-owned media, led by the Baillieu/Collins House press dynasty, whose chief executive was Sir Keith Murdoch, father of Rupert Murdoch. Jack Lang was a tougher nut to crack. The fascist armies were only hours or days from marching on Sydney, capital of New South Wales, to drive Lang from office and seize power, an eventuality avoided only when King George V directed his NSW Governor, Sir Philip Game, to sack Lang. The head of the Old Guard, and the likely fascist ruler if the militias had seized power, was Sir Adrian Knox, son of the founder of CSR, former Chief Justice of the High Court, and Australia's ranking Privy Councilor.
A key figure in the early 1930s events was Melbourne lawyer Sir Robert Menzies. Menzies's personal finances were run by Sir Staniforth Ricketson, head of Australia's largest stock brokerage, and a puppet of Lord Glendyne of the House of Nivison in London, which floated all of Australia's government loans. At the height of the crisis around Scullin and Lang, Menzies proclaimed, regarding Scullin's and Lang's proposals to put "people before debt": "If Australia were going to get through her troubles by abating or abandoning traditional British standards of honesty, of justice, of fair play, of resolute endeavour [i.e. changes in the credit system], it would be far better that every citizen within her boundaries should die of starvation within the next six months."
In 1935 and 1938, Menzies went to Nazi Germany for high-level meetings, and was guest of honor at a luncheon sponsored by Hitler's financial wizard, Hjalmar Schacht. In 1939, Menzies came to power when the incumbent prime minister and synarchist puppet "Honest Joe" Lyons died.
Menzies spent the first four months of 1940 out of Australia, most of the time in England, where he was a protagonist in an attempt to overthrow Churchill and replace him with an appeaser who would make a deal with Hitler. The plot was sponsored by City of London press magnate Lord Beaverbrook, whose two top choices to replace Churchill were former PM David Lloyd George, and Menzies himself. Lloyd George was a member of the pro-Nazi Cliveden Set of Lord and Lady Astor, which was intimately associated with the synarchist Lazard Frères banking house through Lady Astor's brother-in law, Lazard head Robert Brand. Brand and the Astors were also dominant figures in the pro-Hitler "Round Table" movement, many of whose Australian members were organizers of the citizens leagues and the fascist militias. Round Tabler Lloyd George enthusiastically boosted Hitler, and schemed constantly for a British deal with him. Menzies confided in his diary that he was willing to "abandon everything" and follow Lloyd George in his pro-Hitler schemes.
In 1943, as the New Citizen report documents, the same corporations and banks which had sponsored the early 1930s fascist armies, founded the Liberal Party of Australia, the same which is pushing the fascist police state laws of today. Robert Menzies was their front man to run the new party.
The notorious appeaser Menzies was replaced as Australian prime minister in October 1941 by Labor's John Curtin, a staunch opponent over the previous decade of the "Money Power." Curtin broke with Churchill's (and Menzies') plans to abandon Australia to the Japanese, and allied with President Roosevelt and U.S. General Douglas MacArthur to win the war in the Pacific, in which Australia played a crucial role through its expanding economy, its own fighting forces, and as a base from which MacArthur mounted his "island-hopping" counteroffensive in the Pacific.
Curtin died in July 1945, not long after his ally FDR. He was replaced by his treasurer, another staunch pro-national banking old Labor man, Ben Chifley. Curtin and Chifley had taken control of the nation's credit, and directed it to win the war, transforming a largely agricultural country into an industrial power almost overnight.
Chifley planned to continue directing credit for the common good. As Prime Minister, he oversaw the passage of legislation to re-establish a national bank, and to make the wartime credit controls permanent. He said in a speech tabling the legislation: "The intention of this legislation is to ensure that the banking system of this country shall work in the interests of the people as a whole. It has been planned in such a way as to ensure that final authority over the monetary policy of the country, shall rest with the government, which is responsible to the Parliament and to the people. No longer shall we leave control of the monetary system of this country in the hands of people with no special training, whose interests are personal and material and are associated with 'big business.' "
Chifley's legislation was overturned by the Privy Council in London. He moved to outflank that corrupt action by declaring the nationalization of all of Australia's banks.
The synarchists responded as they had to Scullin and Lang: They founded a 100,000 person fascist army in 1948, "The Association," as a regroupment of the Old Guard, the New Guard and the League of National Security. The Association was prepared to seize power if Chifley's nationalization were not overturned, or if he were not driven from power. With the aid of another hysterical "Red scare" press campaign and an appeal to populist fears that "Labor will steal your money" through nationalized banking, Chifley was driven from power in 1949, and replaced by Robert Menzies. Menzies immediately moved to establish concentration camps for his political enemies, under the powers of his "Communist Party Dissolution Bill." That bill was defeated in a national referendum. Menzies also called for a pre-emptive nuclear war against the Soviet Union, as did other leading synarchists of the era such as Lord Bertrand Russell.
Menzies ruled Australia until 1966. In 1972, Gough Whitlam and the ALP came to power with plans to take back control of the country's mineral wealth from the private cartels, and to go outside the New York/City of London financial cartel to borrow billions of Arab petrodollars to develop a huge infrastructure grid for the continent. The key figure in those plans was Treasurer and Deputy Prime Minister Jim Cairns, a dedicated opponent of what Cairns himself called the "Money Power."
In a June 2003 interview with the New Citizen, reprinted in its April 2004 issue, Cairns emphasized that "A national bank is of very great importance, the greatest of the institutions in the country." Asked to comment on the Privy Council's overturning of Chifley's national banking plans, he replied, "I think it destroyed the soul of the Labor Party, really, after Chifley. It was very important to the Labor Party, and the action of the Privy Council took away the meaning, the real meaning of Labor policy."
After the Queen sacked Whitlam in 1975, the Mont Pelerin Society took over the Labor Party, and purged any of the pro-development elements remaining in the Liberal Party, as documented in the New Citizen report. The key corporate and banking figures in this "Mont Pelerin Revolution," were some of the same onessuch as three Collins House progeny, the Western Mining Company, Rio Tinto, and ANZ bankwhose predecessors had supported the citizens leagues/mass fascist armies in the 1930s. Some of the families were even the same. There was S. Baillieu Myer, of the Collins House Baillieu family which had intermarried with the Myer family of the great retail house, Myers, whose family had sponsored the 1930s fascist citizens leagues. And there was Rupert Murdoch, son of Baillieu protégé Sir Keith Murdoch, and himself a protégé in 1950s London of the fascist Lord Beaverbrook.
Some have asked whether current PM John Howard does not personally represent this continuity. Howard's family were rabid anglophiles (his middle name is "Winston," after Curtin's enemy), and his father Lyall, as a "returned serviceman" (WWI veteran) was of the age, the outlook and the social milieu to have been a member of Sydney's Old Guard, or its spin-off, the New Guard. He was bitterly anti-Lang, worked for the Old Guard-sponsoring Colonial Sugar Refining Co. most of his life, and came from an area of Sydney where the New Guard was particularly strong. His mortgage was held by James Macarthur Onslow, of one of Australia's leading oligarchical families, whose brother was a leader of the Old Guard. Most telling, another of Lyall Howard's sons, academic Dr. Bob Howard, thinks that his father most likely was a New Guardsman.
The Return of National Banking: LaRouche's CEC
The fierce national banking tradition which was the soul of old Labor is embodied today by LaRouche's associates in the CEC. In 1994, after extensive discussions with LaRouche, the CEC drafted a ready-to-enact bill for a new "Commonwealth National Credit Bank." With the circulation of millions of copies of this bill and related plans for great infrastructure projects for Australia, the CEC's influence exploded, particularly in the volatile rural sector. The Establishment was forced to create a populist countergang, the One Nation party of MP Pauline Hanson, which borrowed some of the CEC's policies, such as national banking, and which, for awhile, became highly influential in national politics. One Nation has now collapsed, while the CEC has continued to grow rapidly. Given that, and the CEC's association with the synarchist Privy Council's arch-enemy LaRouche, it is no surprise that Sir Zelman Cowen and his fellow Privy Councilors would like to ban LaRouche's associates. That task will be considerably more difficult as LaRouche's influence grows globally, and as this latest issue of the New Citizen is read throughout Australia.