Immediately below you will find a preliminary write-up of an explosive new source on the role of the British Empire, through its Saudi and U.S. accomplices, in the 9/11 attack on the United States, the very attack which, in combination with the British sabotage of the SDI, has brought us to the verge of World War III. This material will be refined as appropriate over coming days, as part of LPAC's crucial flanking maneuver against the current leading representative of the Queen in the U.S., Barack Obama: Get the 28 pages released!
Combined with our intensive push for Glass-Steagall, the indispensable first step in preventing economic disintegration, this flank can explode the situation in Washington, D.C., which is already shaken up by the challenge to Obama's imperial presidency by the Rand Paul filibuster.
PHILIP MARSHALL, AUTHOR OF 'THE BIG BAMBOOZLE,' DEAD; WAS IT MURDER?
Time to Declassify the 28 Pages of the Joint Congressional Inquiry on Saudi Involvement in 9/11
by William F. Wertz, Jr.
The Big Bamboozle: 9/11 And the War on Terror , by Philip Marshall.
CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform/An Amazon Company; 2012; 166 pages, paperback, $14.99.
In 2012, Philip Marshall, a veteran airline captain, with captain ratings on the Boeing 727, 737, 747, 757 and 767s, wrote a book entitled The Big Bamboozle: 9/11 and the War on Terror, which documents the role of Saudi Arabia in running 9/11, and the Bush apparatus in facilitating it by standing down. On Feb. 2, 2013 Marshall was found dead, along with his two teenage children and his dog, at his home in California.
Local police have called it a murder/suicide. But former National Security Agency officer Wayne Madsen, who went to the scene for a week to investigate, says that it is a black-ops assassination, not only for what he reveals in the book, but also for what he might have still revealed.
In addition to being an experienced pilot who knows the training needed to fly such planes, and to carry out such maneuvers as the 9/11 hijacker pilots did, Marshall had previous experience in a DEA sting operation against Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar and was the pilot for Barry Seal, who participated in the Bush Sr./Oliver North operation to arm the Contras in the 1980s.
The story that Marshall tells, although failing to identify the role of the British, corroborates in fine detail the essential features of the assessment of 9/11/2001 presented by Lyndon LaRouche. At the time of the attack was occurring, Lyndon LaRouche said on K-TALK radio in Salt Lake City: "This is not some dumb guy with a turban some place in the world, trying to get revenge for what's going on in the Middle East. This is something different." LaRouche emphasized that "this is a very systematic operation ... to get that kind of thing, to snatch planes like that, that's a pretty sophisticated operation." He also stressed that "Osama bin Laden is a controlled entity. Osama bin Laden is not an independent force." LaRouche had previously warned that a terrorist incident could be used, as in the case of the Reichstag fire, to introduce a dictatorial policy in the United States.
The possibility that Marshall was assassinated cannot be ruled out. In former Senator Bob Graham's novel Keys to the Kingdom, the lead character, who is a Senator investigating 9/11, is killed. Graham was the co-chair of the Joint Congressional Inquiry into 9/11. Journalist Gary Webb who exposed the fact that crack-cocaine was being shipped to the U.S. to fund arms for the Contras allegedly committed suicide. Barry Seal himself was killed. The author of the Fortunate Son, who reported that George W. Bush's missing year was spent in rehab, was also found dead, allegedly by suicide.
In the introduction to his book Marshall cites the fact that in the final version of the Joint Congressional Inquiry into 9/11, the indisputable evidence about the role of Saudi intelligence was redacted. The importance of this book now is that it provides evidence as to why those 28 pages must be declassified now.
- Marshall on the Coverup -
What Marshall presents in his book is evidence that Osama bin Laden's role in 9/11 was a false flag, to cover for the fact that the funding, logistical support, tactical planning, and training of the 9/11 terrorist attack were all supplied by Saudi Arabia, whose role was covered up by blaming Osama bin Laden, who did not have the means to carry out such a sophisticated operation.
Secondly, he exposes the fact that the operation was effectively facilitated, and then exploited, by the Bush family apparatus, which effectively stood down while the attack was occurring and ignored warnings of the impending attack.
And thirdly, he exposes the role of Porter Goss, the House chairman of the Joint Congressional Inquiry, Philip Zelikow, the director of the 911 Commission, and FBI head Robert Mueller, who was appointed on Sept. 4, 2001, in the coverup, which persists to this day.
Marshall is known to have been in contact with former Senator Bob Graham, the co-chair of the Joint Congressional Inquiry, who has demanded the declassification of the 28 page document on the Saudi role in 9/11.
The book covers material already reported by EIR and LPAC from the report of the Joint Congressional Inquiry. This includes the fact that Prince Bandar's wife, who is the daughter of Prince Turki, then the head of Saudi intelligence, sent money to Saudi Intelligence agent Omar al Bayoumi; that Bayoumi met with a member of the Saudi consulate in Los Angeles before then going to a restaurant to meet with the two first hijackers who came to the U.S., Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi, and invited them to San Diego; that Bayoumi worked for the Saudi Civil Aviation Authority; that the two hijackers lived for a time in the home of a longtime FBI informant, whom the Joint Inquiry was prevented from ever interviewing. In fact, the FBI refused to serve the informant a committee subpoena.
Marshall points out that the 9/11 Commission never heard from a civil aviation expert. As such an expert, he points out that "The flight profiles revealed that a tailored operating procedure was used to fly directly to predetermined targets, followed by a series of advanced hand-flown maneuvers that included rapid descents, steep turns and coordinated roll outs." None of this could have been done without "critical inside help from aviation and tactical experts." As a twenty-year Boeing pilot and captain, he writes that he would be "challenged to duplicate this performance without several practice flights." The pilots could not have done this on the basis of the training they received in single-engine airplanes. Moreover, their civilian flight instructors all said afterwards that in early 2001 none of the pilots was competent to fly Boeing airliners.
His conclusion is that they received advanced training in the final phase from Saudi instructors.
- The Saudis and the Pilots -
Marshall presents the following evidence:
In the six months leading up to 9/11, 4 of the eventual hijackers travelled to Las Vegas. These 4 hijackers were the pilots of the four planes. None of the other hijackers went to Las Vegas. Marshall concludes that they must have received training at a site somewhere in the area between Las Vegas and Tucson, Arizona. One such possible location he identifies as Pinal Airpark, which had 757 and 747 Boeing planes on site at that time, and which is known to have been used by the CIA and the private mercenary company Blackwater.
Many sources have reported that after 9/11, a number of Saudi nationals who were in the U.S. at the time, including members of the bin Laden family were allowed to fly out of the U.S.
But what Marshall reports is that a huge entourage of the longtime Saudi Intelligence Minister, Turki al Faisal, was also in the United States prior to and on September 11, 2001. "Tucked in the back of the commission's report (and later removed) was an account of three separate chartered airliners carrying about 100 Arab men (mostly Saudis) from Las Vegas on midnight transatlantic flights beginning on September 19. Marshall reports that Turki was near Las Vegas during the time that the 9/11 Commission 'could not explain' why all the hijackers had made trips to Las Vegas in the months leading up to 9/11."
In the week after the attack, there were at least five chartered flights with high-ranking Saudi officials that left from Las Vegas, Newark, Boston, and Washington. 3 of these were from Las Vegas.
"The chartered departures from Las Vegas were a four-engine DC-8 for Geneva on September 19, 2001, with 69 passengers, including 46 Saudis; a Boeing 727 for England with 18 Saudis on September 20; and on September 23, a jumbo Lockheed L-1011 for Paris. Only 34 passengers were listed on that plane, which has a capacity of nearly 400. On that flight was Prince Turki."
Marshall makes the point that Turki's entourage in the U.S. in the Summer of 2001 "entailed a perfect opportunity to get the needed Saudi Boeing flight instructors into the country and out after the attacks without anyone interviewing them."
To support this, Marshall also points out that Bandar is also a pilot himself. He was Top Gun for his unit in the Royal Saudi Air Force and, of course, the two Saudi intelligence operatives in San Diego, Bayoumi and Bassan, were associated with the Saudi Civil Aviation Authority.
- The Saudi-Bush Connection -
The role of Prince Bandar and his relationship to the Bush family is key. Marshall does not report on the money Bandar had at his disposal as a result of the BAE-Saudi al Yamamah deal. But he does demonstrate that Bandar has a decades-long close relationship with the Bush family and with dirty covert operations. For instance, during the Iran-Contra affair, when George H.W. Bush was Vice President, Bandar agreed to fund the Contra operation in 1984 when the Congress had banned U.S. funds for them. Oliver North testified that Bandar "had sought to keep under wraps his role in funneling millions through a Swiss bank account."
Thus Bandar has been the Bush family connection to Saudi Arabia for decades. As Marshall points out, in the past two decades, the Prince "has spent time with the President's family at their Texas ranch, their Kennebunkport home, at Camp David and of course the White House. He has had visits to the Pentagon and has been flown on Air Force One." George H.W. Bush celebrated his 80th birthday on Bandar's A-340. At one point the Vice President proclaimed that Bandar was an official member of the Bush family. His new name in Kennebunkport was announced as Bandar Bush.
In less than 48 hours after 9/11/2001 Prince Bandar and George W. Bush would be smoking cigars together on the White House balcony. In his book State of Denial, Bob Woodward reports that when George W. Bush began planning to run for the Presidency, his father told him to visit Bandar. According to Woodward, Bush said to the Prince, "My dad told me before I make up my mind, go and talk to Bandar."
- No Defense -
Marshall argues that on 9/11, all four of the planes were supposed to hit their targets at the same time, but the hijackers of two of the planes that targeted Washington, D.C. were delayed in taking over the cockpits, which resulted in those planes flying further west than intended and thus delaying the operation. Marshall's point is that this delay exposed the fact that the Bush White House delayed in responding to the attack. Only two military jets were sent up into the air after it became immediately clear that the first plane had been hijacked. However, no other planes were sent up.
No planes were sent up to defend Washington. Cheney claimed afterwards that he recommended to Bush that orders be given to shoot down any incoming plane, but there is no record of such orders being given even after two hours. And even if such orders had been given, there were no planes in the air to follow the orders.
- The Cover-up -
The cover-up of 9/11 is well documented by Marshall and resembles the cover-up of the Kennedy assassination by the Warren Commission. Just as Allen Dulles was appointed to the Warren Commission to control it7p, similar appointments were made to obstruct the investigation of both the 9/11 Commission and the Joint Congressional Inquiry.
The person appointed as Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission was Philip Zelikow, a former member of the National Security Council for Bush Sr., and co-author of the 1995 book entitled Germany United, Europe Transformed, which he coauthored with Condoleezza Rice. Zelikow was a member of the Bush transition team and the author of the policy paper that the White House used to justify a preemptive invasion of Iraq. The 9/11 Commission staff would describe him as a "White House mole." He was in daily contact with Karl Rove and Rice. Evidence against Bandar was hidden in the final report because Zelikow argued that it was not conclusive.
In respect to the Joint Congressional Inquiry, Marshall asserts that the mole was Congressman Porter Goss, the co-chair from the House. He was named by President George W. Bush to be the first Director of National Intelligence and Director of the Central Intelligence. As to Goss's background, Marshall presents a photo taken in Mexico City on January 22, 1963 which includes Felix Rodriquez of Contra fame, Barry Seal, and Porter Goss. This is 10 months before the assassination of John F. Kennedy in Dallas.
Marshall also reports that Cheney tried to intimidate Senator Bob Graham. Robert Mueller, who was appointed FBI director - one week before 9/11, also launched an investigation of the Joint - Congressional Inquiry staff itself during their investigation, as a means of intimidation.
- A Ploy for War -
Marshall's overall thesis is that to bring about the change which has occurred since 9/11, a Pearl Harbor attack on the U.S. would be necessary. He quotes a document published by the Project for A New American Century (PNAC) "Rebuilding America's Defenses" which reads: "the transformation would be a long one—absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event—like a new Pearl Harbor." Moreover, by blaming the attack on Osama bin Laden, this could be used to justify a policy of preemptive warfare against Iraq, and eventually Syria and Iran.
Marshall argues that such a false flag operation was run to cover up the Saudi involvement and the true intention of the plotters of 9/11.
To support this, Marshall quotes from Steve Pieczenik, who served as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State under Nixon, Ford, and Carter, worked under Reagan and Bush senior, and still works as a consultant for the Department of Defense. Pieczenik, who is also a medical doctor, stated on May 3, 2011 in two radio broadcasts shortly after it was announced that Osama bin Laden had been killed, that he knew that bin Laden had died in 2001. Back in April 2002, Pieczenik said that bin Laden had already been "dead for months." Pieczenik is someone who met Bin Laden personally and worked with him during the proxy war against the Soviets in Afghanistan. According to Pieczenik, bin Laden died in 2001, "not because Special Forces had killed him, but because as a physician, I had known that the CIA physicians had treated him and it was on the intelligence roster that he had marfan syndrome. He died of marfan syndrome, Bush junior knew about it, the intelligence community knew about it." Pieczenik reported that CIA physicians had visited bin Laden in July 2001 at the American Hospital in Dubai. "He was already very sick from marfan syndrome and he was already dying, so nobody had to kill him."
Pieczenik also said that he was prepared to tell a federal grand jury the name of a top general who told him directly that 9/11 was a false flag attack.
Marshall also argues that key to the false flag operation was producing the torture-induced confession of Khalid Shaykh Mohammad, the so-called mastermind of 9/11.
- Time for the Truth -
Unfortunately, Marshall will not write his next book. It is certainly reassuring that Eric Holder and John Brennan have finally said, on behalf of Barack Obama, that it is unconstitutional to kill an American who is a noncombatant on American soil.
Marshall does not mention that Obama, along with John Brennan, have continued the Bush policy of covering up the Saudi involvement in 9/11 by refusing to declassify the Joint Congressional Inquiry 28 page chapter on Saudi involvement in 9/11, which he promised the families of 9/11 victims he would do.
Given the explosive nature of his revelations, the time is now overripe to push for that chapter finally to be declassified. The truth must now come out.
